Valley Forge National Historical Park ⓘ

Valley Forge is the location of the 1777-1778 winter encampment of the Continental Army led by General George Washington during the American Revolutionary War. Here the Continental Army, still largely made up of a collection of disparate colonial militias supported by hundreds of camp followers and allies, emerged under Washington’s leadership as a cohesive and disciplined fighting force.

In late 1777 while the British occupied the American capital of Philadelphia, Washington decided to have his troops winter at Valley Forge, only a day’s march from the city. Valley Forge was a naturally defensible plateau where the army could train and recoup from the year’s battles, and the wet and cold winter weather, muddy and impassable roads, and scant supplies made major battles less likely.

Washington and his campaign-weary army marched into camp on December 19, 1777. Contrary to popular myth, the Continental soldiers marching in to Valley Forge, were not downtrodden — just exhausted and ill-supplied. They exuded the confidence of people who knew that they had come close to beating the British in battle. They were cautiously optimistic about the future, and resigned themselves to the task of establishing their winter camp.

The romantic image that depicts the troops at Valley Forge as helpless and at the mercy of winter’s fury, wearing nothing but rags and leaving bloody footprints in the snow is not necessarily accurate, and ultimately renders the soldiers and camp followers of the Continental Army, and their commander, a disservice.

The winter of 1777-78 was neither the coldest nor the snowiest winter experienced during the war, but conditions were extremely difficult for many reasons. Regular freezing and thawing, plus intermittent snowfall and rain, along with shortages of provisions, clothing, and shoes, made living conditions extremely difficult. Rather than wait for deliverance, the army procured supplies, built log cabins to stay in, constructed makeshift clothing and gear, and cooked subsistence meals of their own concoction.

Provisions were available during the early months of the encampment. For example, army records of the food shipped to camp in the month of January 1778 reveal that the men received an average daily ration of one-half pound of beef per man. The most serious food crisis occurred in February, when the men went without meat for several days at a stretch. Shortages of clothing did cause severe hardship for a number of men, but many soldiers had a full uniform. At the worst point in early March, the army listed 2,898 men as unfit for duty due to a lack of clothing. During this time, well-equipped units took the place of their poorly dressed comrades and patrolled, foraged, and defended the camp.

One of the most immediate remedies against the weather and a lack of clothing was the construction of log shelters by the men. Valley Forge was the first winter encampment where many thousands of men had to build their own huts. The officers formed the men into construction squads and instructed them to build cabins according to a 14-foot by 16-foot model. The army placed the 2,000-odd huts in parallel lines, and according to one officer, the camp “had the appearance of a little city” when viewed from a distance. Most agreed that their log accommodations were “tolerably comfortable.”

In addition to the huts, the men constructed miles of trenches, five earthen forts (redoubts), and a state-of-the-art bridge based on a Roman design over the Schuylkill River. The picture of the encampment that emerges from the army records and the soldiers’ own writing is that of a skilled and capable force in charge of its own destiny.

On December 19th, 1777, more than 12,000 soldiers and 400 women and children marched into Valley Forge and began to build what essentially became the fourth largest city in the colonies at the time, with 1,500 log huts and two miles of fortifications. Lasting six months, from December until June, the encampment was as diverse as any city, and was made up of free and enslaved African American soldiers and civillians, Indigenous people, wealthy officers, impoverished enlisted men, European immigrants, speakers of several languages, and adherents of multiple religions.

Concentrating the soldiers in one vast camp allowed the army to protect the countryside and be better able to resist a British attack, but it became costly when lack of supplies and hunger afflicted the inhabitants, and diseases like influenza and typhoid spread through the camp. While there was never a battle at Valley Forge, disease killed nearly 2,000 people during the encampment.

Through the duration the encampment, Washington inspired the soldiers through his own resilience and sense of duty. He persuaded Congress to reform the supply system and end the crippling shortages, and attracted experienced officers to the cause, including former Prussian officer Baron von Steuben, who was assigned the task of training the troops. Von Steuben taught the soldiers new military skills and to fight as a unified army. These reforms in supply systems and fighting tactics, along with reforms in military hygiene and army organization, became the foundation of the modern United States Army.

Word came in May to General Washington that the long-sought alliance with France was secured. The British soon evacuated Philadelphia and headed north to defend their stronghold in New York City, and on June 19, 1778, Washington’s troops marched out of Valley Forge in pursuit. The Continental Army’s transformative experiences at Valley Forge reshaped it into a more unified force capable of defeating the British and winning American independence during the remaining five years of the war.

Indigenous Peoples occupied the area in and around what is now known as Valley Forge National Historical Park as early as 10,000-8,000 BP (before present), enjoying the abundance of food and shelter offered by the river valley environment. The last native people to inhabit the area were the Lenape, also known as the Delaware. Europeans began to settle the region in the late 17th century and pushed out the natives. By the time of the encampment in 1777, most of the land in the vicinity had been cleared for agriculture.

Within what is now the park, 18 landowners established fairly prosperous farms on the choice agricultural soils. Along Valley Creek, an iron works named Valley Forge was established, and a small industrial village including charcoal houses, a saw mill, grist mill, and company store grew up around it. The slopes of Mounts Joy and Misery were wooded and were frequently cut over to supply wood for making charcoal to fuel the iron forge.

On arrival in December 1777, a Continental soldier would have seen an open, rolling landscape divided into many small crop fields and pastures by fences and hedgerows; woodlands and charcoal hearths on the mountains; and the smattering of structures in the Village of Valley Forge, including the ruins of the forges themselves - burned during a raid by the British three months earlier.

The winter encampment at Valley Forge is one of the most famous episodes of the American Revolution. The significance of the encampment lies both in its fact-based history and also its storied myth. The mythical narrative is important in its own right for it reveals something about our character in the heroic way we wish the Revolution to be remembered. The popularity of the myth also speaks to its usefulness. Valley Forge remains a touchstone - always ready to minister to a generation in crisis.

The myth often obscures the actual history of the event, however. It tells us that it was the experience of tremendous suffering from cold and starvation during the encampment that forged a spirit of extraordinary patriotism among Washington’s men. Hardship did occur at Valley Forge, but it was not a time of exceptional misery in the context of the situation. The encampment experience could be characterized as “suffering as usual,” for privation was the Continental soldier’s constant companion. Likewise, patriotism did not peak during the relatively short six-month period at Valley Forge. Widespread devotion to the cause was an early war phenomenon for the most part. Steadfast patriotism found a long-term home among only a few Americans, most notably the veterans who served for the duration.

To fully appreciate the significance of what occurred at Valley Forge, the event must be placed in the context of the entire American Revolution. Few Americans appreciate the scope of the war. Many do not realize that the war lasted for eight-and-a-half years, was international in scale, or that the American army campaigned in areas as far north as Canada, as far south as Georgia, and even west of the Allegheny Mountains.

The Valley Forge encampment occurred during the third year of the war. Early successes against a smaller British army had led some Revolutionary leaders to believe that the righteousness of their cause and a militia-type force composed of citizen soldiers would be enough to force the British from America. By the time of Valley Forge, however, most Americans realized that the Revolution would be a long, drawn-out affair.

While some refused to accept it, the nature of the war changed in July 1776 when a large contingent of English and Hessian troops reached America’s shores and sought to crush the rebellion. By the fall, the British had pushed Washington’s unevenly trained and outnumbered force to the brink of defeat and established control over New York City and the states of New York and New Jersey. Only Washington’s bold Christmas night 1776 crossing of the Delaware River and subsequent victories at Trenton and Princeton, New Jersey, saved the cause from disaster.

In order to put the army on firmer footing, in 1777 the Continental Congress allowed George Washington to recruit soldiers for longer enlistments. The men of this establishment formed the bulk of the professional force that would fight the rest of the war. After wintering at their stronghold in Morristown, New Jersey, Washington’s forces prepared to meet the British with renewed fervor in the spring of 1777.

British strategy for the third year of the American Revolution included a plan to capture the patriot capital at Philadelphia. To accomplish this objective, the British commander in chief, Sir William Howe, set sail from New York City in July 1777 with nearly 17,000 of His Majesty’s finest troops on board transport ships. The expeditionary force landed at the head of the Chesapeake Bay (now Elkton, Maryland). To oppose Howe, General Washington marched his 12,000-man army from New Jersey.

On the march south, Washington paraded the American army through Philadelphia to impress the various factions among the citizenry with the prowess of the patriot force. Though commonly conceived of today as a rag tag bunch of inexperienced fighters, by 1777 the Continental Army was battle-tested and capable of standing up to the British. While campaigning against superior numbers of professional soldiers, Washington’s men fought hard and were often on the offensive. One observer of the march through the city that summer prophetically stated that

[The men] though indifferently dressed, held well burnished arms, and carried them like soldiers; and looked, in short, as if they might have faced an equal number with a reasonable prospect of success. — Captain Alexander Graydon 24 August 1777

In the two key battles of the Philadelphia campaign, Brandywine and Germantown, the Americans fought with skill and courage. Though they lost both battles, as well as the capital at Philadelphia, the Continental Army emerged from these experiences with a confidence like that of an underdog sports team that had thrown a scare into the champion:

... [the experience of the battle of Germantown] has served to convince our people, that when they make an attack, they can confuse and Rout even the Flower of the British Army, with the greatest ease, and they are not that invincible Body of Men which many suppose them to be. — George Washington to Major General Israel Putnam 9 October 1777

Yet work remained to be done. The army had difficulty executing complex large- scale maneuvers such as the orderly retreat. As a result, retreats could turn into panicked flights. Indeed, General Nathanael Greene believed that the troops had “fled from victory” at Germantown. As the campaign wound down through the months of November and December, Washington maintained strong offensive pressure on the British in the city.

With the British ensconced in Philadelphia, Washington and his general officers had to decide where to encamp for the winter. As he chose a site, Washington had to balance the congressional wish for a winter campaign to dislodge the British from the capital against the needs of his weary and poorly supplied army. By December 12, Washington made his decision to encamp at Valley Forge. From this location 18 miles northwest of Philadelphia, Washington was close enough to maintain pressure on the enemy dwelling in the captured patriot capital, yet far enough to prevent a surprise attack on his own troops. From here the Continental Army could protect the outlying parts of the state, with its wary citizens and precious military stores, as well as the Continental Congress, which had fled to York, Pennsylvania.

The Continental Army’s quick seizure and use of the land directly across the Schuylkill River offers an example of the extent of its capability. Once the bridge spanning the river was complete, the army made full use of the land north of the river as a vital supply link. The farms located on the north side provided forage for the Continental Army, the location of a camp market where farmers from this vicinity could sell their produce to the army, and the center for commissary operations. The bridge connection also made the camp more secure as patrols could range the country to the north and east to check British movements and intentions in that quarter.

Even though camp markets and the establishment of a center for commissary operations brought food and supplies into camp, the establishment of the winter camp so close to the British caused the men additional hardship. Instead of being able to focus on building the camp and obtaining much needed rest, the troops had to expend energy on security operations. The men spent extra-long hours on duty patrolling, standing guard, and manning dangerous outposts near the city and the enemy. Washington recognized the strain that this situation placed on his men and rewarded them with two months’ hardship pay.

Perhaps the most notable suffering that occurred at Valley Forge came from a factor that has not been frequently mentioned in textbooks: disease was the true scourge of the camp. Men from far flung geographical areas were exposed to sicknesses from which they had little immunity. During the encampment, nearly 2,000 men died of disease. Dedicated surgeons, nurses, a smallpox inoculation program, and camp sanitation regulations limited the death tolls. The army kept monthly status reports that tracked the number of soldiers who had died or were too sick to perform their duties. These returns reveal that two-thirds of the men who perished died during the warmer months of March, April, and May, when supplies were more abundant. The most common killers were influenza, typhus, typhoid, and dysentery.

The army interred few, if any, of its soldiers who perished within the lines of the camp. Doctors dispatched the most serious cases to outlying hospitals, both to limit disease spread and also to cure those individuals who could be saved. The army buried the soldiers who died in these out-of-the-way care facilities in church graveyards adjacent to the hospitals. These scattered Southeastern Pennsylvania gravesites have never been systematically commemorated.

The scale of the Valley Forge encampment was impressive. The number of soldiers present ranged from 12,000 in December to nearly 20,000 in late spring as the army massed for the campaign season. The troops who came to camp included men from all 13 original colonies and regiments from all of them except South Carolina and Georgia. The encampment brought together men, women, and children of nearly all ages, from all walks of life, of every occupation, from different ethnic backgrounds, and of various religions. While most were of English descent, African, American Indian, Austrian, Dutch, French, Germanic, Irish, Italian, Polish, Portuguese, Prussian, Scottish, Spanish, and Swedish persons also filled out the ranks. The women present at Valley Forge included approximately 400 enlisted men’s wives who followed the army year-round and a few general officers’ wives who came on extended visits. Although most soldiers came from a Protestant background, Catholic and Jewish personnel also were among those in camp.

Civilians played a key role in the encampment. The local community was largely Quaker. Most of the nearby prominent farm and industrial families were members of the Religious Society of Friends. These persons and their Scottish, Irish, and German neighbors assisted the army to varying extents as their sentiments ranged in degree from staunch patriot to fervent Tory. Distressed and haughty New England officers in camp leveled their most impassioned complaints at the locals who did not appear to support the cause. Whether or not these disaffected persons were Quakers or from some other religious affiliation, resolute patriots referred to them all as “Quakers,” and persecuted some for not aiding the Continental Army. In spite of the resentment leveled at them, it was often the Quakers and other religious societies such as the Bethlehem and Lititz Moravians and the Ephrata Cloister members who rendered valuable assistance to sick soldiers while many citizens stood aside. Within this civilian climate, the army was able to stabilize its situation and concentrate on a much-needed training program.

Valley Forge was demographically, militarily, and politically an important crossroads in the Revolutionary War. Recent scholarship shows that a mix of motives was at play, particularly in the minds of men who enlisted in early 1777. Some of these men served out of patriotism, but many served for profit or individual liberty (as in the case of enslaved, indentured, and apprenticed peoples), and many more were coerced, as most colonies, on the advice of Congress and pressure from General Washington, introduced conscription in 1777.

As well, the participants had different values, and especially different ideas about what words such as liberty, equality, slavery, and freedom actually meant in practice. Valley Forge provides a site for exploring this complicated story and examining the multiple perspectives of those involved there – from soldiers to citizens, officers to enslaved Americans, from women to American Indians – the encampment was a microcosm of a revolutionary society at war. Also important, the ideas and ideals held dear by Americans today were not forged at Valley Forge, but rather contested – not just between patriots and the British – but also among different Americans. Valley Forge and the Revolution put the United States on a long road to defining those ideals in ways satisfactory to all – a process still in the making.

Despite the difficulties, there were a number of significant accomplishments and events during the encampment. Because of its far-reaching consequences, the single most noteworthy achievement was the maturation of the Continental Army into a professional force under the tutelage of Friedrich Wilhelm Baron von Steuben. Baron von Steuben assessed the army and recognized that Washington’s men needed more training and discipline. At the same time he realized that American soldiers would not submit to harsh European-style regulation.

Von Steuben did not try to introduce the entire system of drill, evolutions, maneuvers, discipline, tactics, and Prussian formation into the American army:

I should have been pelted had I attempted it, and should inevitably have failed. The genius of this nation is not in the least to be compared with that of the Prussians, Austrians, or French. You say to your soldier [in Europe], “Do this” and he doeth it; but [at Valley Forge] I am obliged to say, “This is the reason why you ought to do that,” and then he does it. — Baron von Steuben to Baron de Gaudy, 1787-88

Instead, von Steuben demonstrated to the men the positive results that would come from retraining. He provided hands-on lessons, and Washington's independent-minded combat veterans were willing to learn new military skills when they saw immediate results. Von Steuben remarked on how quickly Washington’s men progressed in the retraining process, saying that it normally took two years to properly train a soldier. As spring wore on, whole brigades marched with newfound precision and crisply executed commands under the watchful eye of the baron.

Von Steuben’s regulations extended beyond tactical instruction. The Inspector General also spelled out directives for officers and eventually wrote a complete military handbook. The army hereafter would be more cohesive, healthier, and highly efficient. A new professionalism was born.

The commander in chief’s professional reputation also got a boost at Valley Forge. Two events that occurred during the encampment strengthened George Washington’s authority. The first was the emergence of a group of critics who denigrated General Washington’s leadership ability. The proponents of this movement, which became known as the Conway Cabal, suggested that General Gates, the victorious leader at the Battle of Saratoga, was perhaps more fit for the top command position. This splinter group of officers and congressmen blamed Washington for having lost the capital to the British and argued that he put the war effort in jeopardy. As winter wore on, the so-called cabal dissolved, bringing disgrace to and ending the careers of several of its leaders. Washington’s authority was strengthened, as loyal supporters rallied to defend and exalt the commander in chief.

A second event that consolidated Washington’s control was his successful campaign to have a congressional committee visit camp. The general lobbied Congress to confer with him in person in order to resolve some of the supply and organizational difficulties that had plagued the army during the 1777 campaign. The committee emerged from the Valley Forge meeting with a better understanding of the logistical difficulties Washington faced and more sympathetic to the army’s requirements. The army reorganization was one of the most far-reaching consequences of the committee’s work. Almost from the war’s outset, Washington had argued for a large professional army. The public’s disdain for standing armies limited his ability to raise a sizeable force. The reorganization of 1778 represented a compromise between civilian and military ideals. Realizing that the army existed at only a portion of its authorized strength, Congress consolidated regiments and created a more streamlined force.

European recognition augmented congressional reforms. French assistance was crucial to the success of the Revolution. Starting in 1776, vital French aid in the form of military materiel flowed to America. The efforts of American agents in France and the strong performance of the continentals at the Battles of Saratoga and Germantown convinced the French to do more than provide covert aid. At Valley Forge in the spring of 1778, the army joyously celebrated the formal French recognition of the United States as a sovereign power and valuable alliance with this leading European nation. Though it would take years to bear fruit at Yorktown in 1781, the alliance provided Washington with assistance from the formidable French navy as well as additional troops he needed to counter British marine superiority.

In mid-June Washington’s spy network informed him that the British were about to abandon Philadelphia. The commander in chief rapidly set troops in motion: a small force marched in and took possession of the city. The majority of the army swiftly advanced from staging areas on the north side of the Schuylkill River and southeast of camp toward the Delaware River and New Jersey in order to bring on a general engagement. On June 28, at the Battle of Monmouth, New Jersey, Washington’s men demonstrated their new battlefield skills, as they forced the British from the field. Monmouth hurt the British in the short term and provided the Americans with a long-term boost in confidence.

In the summer of 1778, Washington could claim that the war effort was going well. The army’s decision to occupy Valley Forge and maintain strong offensive pressure on the enemy was a wise one. After they abandoned Philadelphia, the British had little to show for all of their past year’s efforts. Thanks to the contributions of von Steuben and others, the Continental Army was more unified than ever before. The expected arrival of the French greatly altered British war plans. Philadelphia was back under patriot control. Washington knew that for every year the war dragged on the Americans held the advantage. The British withdrawal from Pennsylvania protracted the war and played into his plans.

The success of Valley Forge also can be measured in longer-term gains. Many regard Valley Forge as the birthplace of the American army. The concepts of basic training, the professionalization of the officer corps, and the rise of the army’s distinctive branches, such as the corps of engineers, all got their start here. The military lessons that von Steuben helped instill served Washington’s veterans well. The Continental Army forced the British to retreat at the battle of Monmouth, New Jersey, in June 1778, and fought with skill in the southern campaigns that led to the victory at Yorktown in 1781. The “relish for the trade of soldiering” that von Steuben inspired in the men also enabled the army, despite continuing hardships and spiraling citizen apathy, to stick single-mindedly to their task until they secured independence in 1783.

The symbolic importance that Americans have attached to Valley Forge since the 19th century both complicates and enriches its authentic history. The establishment of Valley Forge as a memorial provides a place where generations of Americans have had the opportunity to discover and admire the Continental Army’s sacrifices and achievements and to participate in commemoration of this history. The desire to commemorate began to shape the history of this place soon after the army marched out.

The scale and intensity of the encampment devastated the landscape of the Valley Forge area. By the time the army left in June 1778, every tree for miles around had been taken down for firewood or hut construction, as well as miles of farmers’ fences and many outbuildings. The livestock and stores of the area’s residents had been commandeered and consumed. The land itself was pockmarked with entrenchments, muddy military roads and paths, some 2,000 huts, offal and other refuse pits, and work areas.

Farmers quickly recovered, and within the decade the huts were largely gone, fields replanted, and woodlots re-sprouted. By the early 19th century, landowners on the north side, with its particularly exceptional agricultural soils, experimented with “scientific farming” to increase the yields of their fields, and became prosperous. On both sides of the river, farms were improved, farmhouses enlarged, and large barns and other outbuildings added, changing the scale of what had been modest farms at the time of the encampment.

At the Village of Valley Forge, a musket factory was established even before the revolution ended. In the 19th century, iron mills and later a steel mill were operated there, as well as textile factories; saw, paper, and grist mills; wharves and a towpath associated with the Schuylkill Navigation Canal; a rail line with freight and passenger stations; stone and sand quarries; a water bottling plant; and enterprises including a hotel, stores, blacksmiths, and a tannery. The thriving community included dwellings, religious institutions, and schools.

Source: Valley Forge National Historical Park General Management Plan, National Park Service, 2007.

Discover more about the history and significance of Valley Forge National Historical Park by reading the park's Foundation Document .

During the American Revolution, many women took to the road and followed their enlisted loved ones in the Continental Army. They walked with their possessions, and often their children. General George Washington initially believed that women should not follow the army because they slowed troop movements, however he realized that they filled roles deemed essential to the survival of the army.

The Valley Forge encampment included about 250 to 400 women present. Some like Jane Norton earned rations as nurses. Mary Geyer laundered and mended clothes for the 13th Pennsylvania Regiment. Other women sold provisions to the army as sutlers.The Continental Army would sometimes arrest and try women who violated military regulations. Women found guilty could face corporal punishment, or have themselves drummed out of camp.

(October 13, 1744 – January 22, 1832) - The daughter of a New Jersey dairyman, thirteen-year-old Mary married a barber named William Hayes. During the American Revolution, her husband enlisted in the 4th Continental Artillery Regiment. Mary joined him for the Philadelphia Campaign and the Valley Forge winter encampment. During the Battle of Monmouth Courthouse, she famously assisted an artillery crew load a cannon in place of her injured husband.

A free Black woman hired to launder and mend clothing, bed linens, and table linens within the commander-in-chief’s entire household.

According to surviving financial accounts, Thomas joined Washington’s staff at his Cambridge, Massachusetts headquarters in February 1776. 1 Literate, she signed her name on an April 12, 1779 document, acknowledging receipt of sixty-six and two-thirds dollars for one year’s wages. 2 At the same time, Thomas also received one pound of indigo, used as a “bluing” agent—an optic brightener for yellowed whites during laundry’s final rinse. 3 As a laundress, she would have shared responsibility caring for the general’s clothes with William Lee, Washington’s enslaved manservant. In kitchens like that at Washington’s Valley Forge Headquarters, Thomas would have boiled laundry in a large kettle and heated the irons she used to remove wrinkles in freshly laundered fabrics.

During the war, Margaret Thomas grew close to the enslaved domestic staff with whom she worked. She formed an attachment to William Lee, and the two married in Philadelphia. Despite their positions within Washington’s “military family,” however, Lee’s home state of Virginia did not legally recognize marriages involving enslaved persons.

On July 28, 1784, Washington wrote to Clement Biddle, stating that she lived with his former personal cooks Hannah and Isaac Till. By that point, the Tills had purchased their own freedom, and employed themselves cooking for families in Philadelphia. Yet, with Margaret Thomas in ill health, she and Lee had petitioned to live together at Washington’s estate, Mount Vernon.

Washington had mistakenly hoped that the connection between the couple had ceased, and he “never wished to see her more.” 4 As a white patriarch, he would have disliked the influence of a free Black woman near the approximately 300 people he held in bondage. Washington might not have wanted to devote money and resources to her transport and care. And Virginia law would have considered any potential children she had with William Lee free—not the legal property of Washington, but possibly his financial responsibility. Due to Lee’s wartime fidelity, however, Washington did not feel that he could refuse Lee’s request (so long as Washington felt it reasonable), and asked Biddle to procure her transport to Mount Vernon. No record indicates that she ever lived there, though she may have died before or shortly after arrival. 5

An Irish woman well into her seventies, Thompson worked as a housekeeper for General George Washington from 1776 until 1781. Thompson managed Washington’s free or enslaved domestic female staff, as well as his enslaved cook Isaac Till. Thompson also oversaw maintenance of the linens and rooms, as well as the packing and unpacking of the household goods for Washington's many headquarters throughout the war.

A member of an Oneida delegation that arrived at Valley Forge in May 1778. According to oral tradition, the Oneida provided white corn to the ill-supplied army during the encampment. Cooper taught them how to cook it for safe consumption, and remained to care for soldiers after many of her comrades had already departed. To thank Cooper for her service, she received a black shawl from Martha Washington.

(1722(?)-1791) - At fifty-six years old, she arrived at the Valley Forge Encampment to join her husband Major General William Alexander (Lord Stirling). Lady Stirling joined other officers' wives for the camp production of the play Cato.

(1753-1814) - The wife of General Nathanael Greene, the newly appointed quartermaster general of the Continental Army at Valley Forge, "Caty" Greene was twenty-four years old when she arrived at Valley Forge in January of 1778. "Caty" Greene entertained other officers' wives and took part in the celebration of the French-American Alliance on May 6th, 1778. At the end of May, Catherine Littlefield Greene made the return trip home back to Rhode Island to be reunited with her two young children.

(1756-1824) - The wife of General Henry Knox, the commander of the Continental Army's Artillery, Lucy Knox was one of the youngest of the officers' wives at Valley Forge, at the age of twenty-two. She arrived at the encampment in late May of 1778 with her two-year-old daughter. She joined her husband in the center of the encampment until the army marched out on June 19th, 1778.

(1732-1802) - During the Revolutionary War, Martha joined her husband for part of each winter encampment he attended, including the 1777-1778 encampment at Valley Forge. Martha arrived in the beginning of February and left in early June. Much of Martha's time at the encampment was spent running the household at Washington's Headquarters. This would include organizing daily meals for the staff and entertaining guests and officers' wives. She played a vital role in keeping spirits high with the officers of the army. According to Pierre Etienne Duponceau, secretary to Baron von Steuben, "In the midst of all our distress there were some bright sides of the picture which Valley Forge exhibited...Mrs. Washington had the courage to follow her husband to that dismal abode…"

At Valley Forge, a select number of individual soldiers in Connecticut regiments had either Black, Pequot, or a combined Black and Pequot heritage. The two groups began intermarrying in the eighteenth century. Unfortunately, muster rolls did not include soldiers' race or ethnic identity, and pension records or other documentation do not exist for each individual soldier. Therefore, it is difficult to gauge an exact number of American Indians serving in the Continental Army during the encampment, since many had been integrated into colonial society.

During the American Revolution, the majority of American Indian Nations allied themselves with the British in order to preserve their culture and stop encroachment upon their lands. However, some supported the Patriots and their cause because of personal ties, shared religious beliefs, or mistreatment by the British in the past. These allies included large numbers from the Oneidas, Tuscaroras, Mohicans, and the Stockbridge-Munsee Nations.

In the spring of 1778, General George Washington asked to have a delegation of Oneida and Tuscarora warriors with his army at Valley Forge. Washington and the Congressional Committee wanted these allies to counter the British raids in the area, which were confiscating supplies, seizing stragglers, acquiring intelligence, and harassing civilians. These American Indians could help capture enemy soldiers to gain important information and discourage attempts of desertions from the Continental Army. These warriors had repeatedly proved themselves as exceptional scouts, and superb small-unit fighters. Washington praised these warriors by writing to General Philip Schuyler saying that, "The Oneidas and Tuscaroras have a particular claim to attention and kindness, for their perseverance and fidelity."

Close to fifty warriors from these nations would be sent to Valley Forge. On May 15, 1778 they arrived at the encampment. On May 18, they were directed to participate in a reconnaissance in force numbering 2,200 troops under the command of Marquis de Lafayette to an area called Barren Hill. On May 20, British forces appeared trying to capture Lafayette and the army. The Oneida warriors ambushed some the British soldiers and provided some delaying action as the army started retreating back to the Valley Forge Encampment. They were the last to cross the Schuylkill in the army. It is thought that six Oneidas were killed during this engagement and they are buried at St. Peter's Church Cemetery in Barren Hill. In the middle of June, thirty-four of the original fifty returned home. Their reason for their quick return was threats from the British and British American Indian Allies on their families and homes. The warriors would continue to fight for the patriotic cause and their own survival in upstate New York for the rest of the war.

Glatthaar, Joseph T., and James Kirby Martin. Forgotten Allies: The Oneida Indians and the American Revolution. New York: Hill and Wang, 2006. Print.

Graymont, Barbara. The Iroquois in the American Revolution. Syracuse University Press, 1972. Print.

Jackson, John W. Valley Forge: Pinnacle of Courage. Gettysburg: Thomas Publications, 1992. Print.

Levinson, David. "An Explanation For The Oneida-Colonial Alliance In The American Revolution." Ethnohistory 1976. Print.

Valley Forge National Historical Park is home to numerous historic buildings that reflect its multifaceted history and contribute to the significance of the park.

The park contains 81 historic buildings, all of which were constructed between the mid-18th century and the mid-20th century. Of these 81 structures, 12 have been identified as buildings that were standing, in whole or in part, at the time of the encampment (winter 1777-78). These are primarily domestic structures with a few associated outbuildings. An additional three buildings are probable encampment period, but have not been definitely confirmed as such.

Non-encampment historic buildings relate to later activities and include farmhouses, estate dwellings, small village residences, barns, and sundry outbuildings.

The circa 1816 Maurice Stephens house is thought to have been built on the site of an earlier building that was used as Huntington’s quarters.

The Philander Chase Knox residence is associated with the site of Maxwell’s quarters but was constructed circa 1783 and subsequently greatly altered in a series of building campaigns extending into the 20th century. Historical research in primary source materials has left some doubt about the accuracy of these associations.

Many of the 66 post-encampment historic buildings have state and local significance in their own rights. For example, the Philander Chase Knox Residence is significant as an example of the Pennsylvania farmhouse type of the Colonial Revival style of the early 20th century. The Walnut Hill barn is an outstanding example of the buildings used in state-of-the-art, large-scale farming practices that developed in the mid-19th century.

There are 40 historic monuments and memorials in the park – structures that commemorate an individual, group, event, or an idea. The state park commission invited the governments of each of the 13 states (former colonies) to erect monuments on the sites that had been occupied by their brigades. All the states except Connecticut have done so. Some monuments mark sites associated with the encampment. For example, the National Memorial Arch (a national historical landmark) is sited on the high point of Gulph Road – the road on which the Continental Army marched into the encampment. The Sullivan’s Bridge monument marks the site of the bridge over the Schuylkill River that Washington ordered built. Other monuments commemorate the contributions of individuals or groups, for example the equestrian statue of General Wayne, the statue of Baron von Steuben, the memorial to patriots of African descent, and the memorial to unknown soldiers.

Park buildings and structures are intended to be maintained through cyclic maintenance funding programs and rehabilitated when necessary through the line-item construction program. Neither source provides sufficient funds for the preservation of historic buildings and structures, which require a great deal of specialized craftsmanship and currently rare materials.

The Philander Chase Knox home is traditionally known as the site of Maxwell's Quarters. Brigadier General William Maxwell, commander of the New Jersey Brigade, established his headquarters near this site during the Valley Forge encampment. A small section of the house may have stood during the encampment.

From 1774 to 1854 the property belonged to John Brown and his heirs. In 1854 it was purchased by a local industrialist, who needed to control the water flow of Valley Creek for his mill. By 1893 the property had changed hands at least six times before Edward and Amanda Mathews made it their home. The Mathews, who became millionaires from the California gold rush, remodeled the 18th century home into a Queen Ann style complete with swimming pool, bath house, and tennis courts.

Two years after Edward's death in 1901, the property was sold to U.S. Attorney General Philander Chase Knox. Knox served as Attorney General under Presidents William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt. He also served as Secretary of State under President William Howard Taft. As Attorney General, he was noted for his "trust busting" suit of Northern Securities Company. As Secretary of State from 1909 to 1913, he promoted policies aimed at increasing US trade abroad.

Knox purchased the property to provide a weekend retreat from Washington D.C. and give his eldest son, Reed, a place to breed horses. When his daughter, Rebekah, married James Tindle, President Theodore Roosevelt was a guest for the ceremonies and spent the night at the house.

After Knox retired in 1913, he started to change the house from a Queen Ann style to the Colonial Revival you see today. In 1965 the house was sold to the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania and became a part of Valley Forge State Park. In 1976 Valley Forge State Park became Valley Forge National Historical Park.

Road to Victory On May 6, 1778, the army celebrated the new alliance with France on the Grand Parade of Valley Forge. As part of that celebration they demonstrated their new found professionalism by marching on to the field with precision and firing a perfect feu de joie. It was this professional army along with their French Allies that would lead to victory at Yorktown, Virginia.

They Chose Valley Forge In the late 1940s, the Cold War commenced-an unsettling period of repeated crises and tensions between United States and the Soviet Union. For reassurance, citizens looked back to the founding ideals of democracy and a renewed interest in the American Revolution developed. When the Boy Scouts of America decided to hold a jamboree at an icon of the American Revolution, they chose Valley Forge.

Determined to Persevere Of all the places associated with the American War for Independence, perhaps none has come to symbolize perseverance and sacrifice more than Valley Forge. The hardships of the encampment claimed the lives of approximately 1 in 10, nearly all from disease. Despite the privations suffered by the soldiers at Valley Forge, Washington and his generals built a unified professional military organization that ultimately enabled the Continental Army to triumph over the British.

Valley Forge: Traditional Land, Contemporary Vision A collection of photographic-based images of the Valley Forge landscape and reenactments of the American Revolution as seen through the eyes of photographer M.J. Ticcino. These unique pieces bring yet another dimension to our historic site and the brave men and women that encamped here.

General von Steuben The Making of an American Army What made Friedrich Wilhelm Baron von Steuben the right man at the right time? Early in his career Steuben learned the basic rules for the routine administration of an army. He systematically applied these rules immediately upon his arrival at Valley Forge. Drilling the troops daily, Steuben imparted to the Continental Army the essential tactical proficiency that served it well from Monmouth to final victory at Yorktown.

How Do We Know? More than 230 years have passed since the winter encampment, how do we know what the house and rooms looked like? To recreate Headquarters as Washington knew it, modern scholars have analyzed documentary, architectural, and archeological evidence.

Washington’s Headquarters (Train Station Exhibit) The decision to winter at Valley Forge was made by General Washington in consultation with his officers and aides. It was a compromise to appease the Continental Congress, the Pennsylvania government, and Washington himself, who wanted a safe and strategic place to rest and protect the troops during the winter. Come inside the inner circle at Valley Forge for a glimpse of General Washington as he ponders the fate of his men and his country.

Forging a Nation Valley Forge is a name so embedded in the story of the American Revolution that its roots in the iron industry are almost forgotten.

Valley Forge National Historical Park encompasses an area of great historical significance, as well as a substantial area of native biodiversity. The 3,500-acre park is one of the few, large, contiguous, protected areas in southeastern Pennsylvania that has a variety of habitat types including a river, numerous streams and forested wetlands, eastern deciduous forest, and tall-grass meadows. The park is surrounded by residential, commercial and industrial developments of Montgomery and Chester Counties on all sides; it is an oasis for native wildlife.

More than 315 species of animals have been reported within the park — 227 of these are birds!

Nonnative species, light pollution, noise, and air quality all affect the ecosystems within the park.

Valley Forge is an oasis of open space consisting of 3,500 acres of fields and forest surrounded by residential development and roadways.

In 2008, the rusty crayfish (Orconectes rusticus) invaded Valley Creek in Valley Forge National Historical Park. The rusty crayfish is a highly aggressive, non-native species that poses a significant threat to the continued health of the stream ecosystem.

All ages are welcome and park staff will provide necessary training and equipment. Crayfish removal is accomplished using hand nets. Participants should be prepared to get in the stream and get wet.

Valley Forge National Historical Park is an oasis of open space consisting of 3500 acres (1416 hectares) of fields and forest surrounded by residential development and transportation corridors. The vegetation within the park is influenced by many factors, especially the underlying geology, the Schuylkill River, and human activity.

The underlying bedrock is composed of three primary types: red sandstone and shale along the river associated with low, rolling, hilly topography; dolostone, a carbonate rock, dominating the southern half of the park and underlying gently rolling terrain and sinkholes; and smaller patches of quartzite, a very hard and erosion resistant rock, in the western part of the park (e.g. at Mt. Misery and Mt. Joy). The quartzite and quartz schist that make up Mt. Misery result in well-drained soils and therefore support drought tolerant plant community types on the upper slopes. The soils on the east slopes of Mt. Misery support Dry Oak Hardwood Forests, consisting of chestnut oak, black oak, white oak, and/or scarlet oak. The red sandstone and shale formations create fertile soils, which are more suitable for agriculture. Such areas consist of open grasslands, shrublands, croplands, tree plantations and young successional forests.

Three miles of the Schuylkill River and two miles of Valley Creek run through the park. The Schuylkill River floodplain has deep, rich soils that support several types of floodplain forest, such as Riverine Floodplain Forest and Silver Maple Floodplain Forest , some of which are heavily infested with invasive and/or exotic plant species. The Riverine Floodplain forest consists of silver maple, green ash, sycamore, box elder, spicebush, false nettle, and stiltgrass. Along the river in the northwest corner of the park, the floodplain was drastically altered by the construction of a large dike, resulting in a very narrow floodplain in this area. Open and forested wetlands are found north of the dike.

Two types of wetlands occur naturally within the park: one type is an open, non-forested wetland dominated by reed canary grass ( Phalaris arundinacea ) and wetland species such as rice cut-grass ( Leersia oryzoides ) and burreed ( Sparganium spp.). This wetland type is called Wet Meadow. The other type of wetland is called Skunk Cabbage Seepage Meadow, and occurs in forested settings with a partial to closed canopy. The herbaceous layer is dominated by skunk cabbage ( Symplocarpus foetidus ). Meadows encourage the growth of native vegetation and provide a good habitat for flowers, such as purple top and little blue stem, and wildlife, such as foxes, deer, hawks, meadowlarks, and an assortment of butterflies. Drier areas support grasslands and successional forests.

Other natural and semi-natural plant communities occurring within the park are Tuliptree Forests and Northeastern Modified Successional Forest , in which the canopy is often dominated by black walnut, white ash, tree-of-heaven, and/or black locust. This forest type is often characterized by conspicuous vine cover in the tree layer including plants such as oriental bittersweet, Japanese honeysuckle, and summer grape.

Many species of mammals inhabit Valley Forge National Historical Park. Spring and summer are the best times to observe these mammals because the species that spend most or all of the winter in dens are active.

The most commonly observed hibernating species of mammal include the common skunk and the groundhog, also known as the woodchuck or whistle-pig.

While hiking the trails through the forests of Mt. Joy and Mt. Misery, visitors often encounter white-tailed deer, gray squirrels, and eastern chipmunks. The red fox is the largest confirmed resident predator in the park. In the spring the young can often be seen at their den’s "door."

Foxes can also be observed hunting or "mousing" in the tall grass meadows, which harbor populations of voles and field mice. Another mainstay of the meadows is the groundhog, seen grazing, standing alert, and scurrying into burrows throughout the park. Eastern cottontails, mice, voles, shrews and moles also abound in a wide variety of habitats.

Recently, coyote sightings have increased, and while their residency status in the park remains unconfirmed, their participation in the wildlife dynamic and food chain hierarchy is exciting to observe.

At Valley Forge, white-tailed deer fawns are usually born between mid-May and July, and can sometimes be spotted hiding in tall grass or in woodland areas. It is important to leave these quiet and beautiful creatures alone!